Jaziya : The Intolerant tax on Hindus

For permission to live in an Islamic State the unbeliever had to pay a tax called JAZIYA,  which means substitute money, i.e., the price of indulgence. It was first imposed by Muhammad, who bade his followers "fight those who do not profess the true faith, till they pay jaziya with the hand in humility." (Quran, ix. 29.) The last two words of this command have been taken by the Muslim commentators



to mean that the tax should be levied in a manner humiliating to the taxpayers. As the scholars and divines of the time informed Aurangzib, the books on Muslim Canon Law lay down that the proper method of collecting the jazia is for the zimmi to pay the tax personally; if he sends the money by the hand of an agent it is to be refused; the taxed person must come on foot arid make the payment standing, while the receiver should be seated and after placing his hand above that of the Zimmi should take the money and cry out, "0, zimmi! pay the commutation money."


Women, children below fourteen, and slaves were exempted from the tax; blind men, cripples and lunatics paid only when. they were wealthy; monks were untaxed if they were poor, but if they belonged to rich monasteries the heads of these religious houses had to pay. The impost was not proportioned to a man's actual income, but the assesses were roughly divided into three classes according as their property was estimated at not more than 200 dirhams ("the poor";, between 200 and ten thousand dirhams ("the midcle class"), and above ten thousand ("the rich"). Money-changers, cloth-dealers, landowners, merchants, and physicians were placed in the highest class while artisans,—such as tailors, dyers, cobblers, and shoe-makers were counted as "poor". This last class paid only when their professional income left a margin above the cost of maintaining themselves and their families. Beggars and paupers naturally escaped the tax.


 The wise statesmanship of Akbar abolished the tax and removed an invidious badge of degradation from the majority of his subjects (.1579). A century afterwards Aurangzib reversed this policy.


By imperial orders the jaziya was reimposed on the "unbelievers" in all parts of the empire from 2nd April, 1679, in order, as the Court historian records, to "spread Islam and put down the practice of infidelity." When the news spread, the Hindus of Delhi and its environs gathered together in hundreds and stood on the bank of the Jamuna below the balcony of morning salute in the palace-wall, and piteously cried for the withdrawal of the impost. But the Emperor turned a deaf ear to their plaintive wail. When next Friday he wanted to ride to the Jama mosque to attend the Public Prayer. the whole road from the gate of the Fort to the mosque was blocked by a crowd of Hindu suppliants, whose number was swollen by all the shop-keepers and craftsmen of Delhi city and the cantonment bazar, out for a demonstration. The crowd did not disperse in spite of  warning ;

 
and the Emperor after waiting vainly for an hour ordered elephants to be driven through the mass of men, trampling them down and clearing a way for him. The Hindu protest continued for some days, but in the end the Emperor's firmness triumphed and the subject people ceased to object. A temperate and reasoned letter from Shivaji  urging the impolicy of the new impost and appealing to Aurangzib to think of the common Father of mankind and the equality of all sincere beliefs in God's eyes, met with no better success.


In levying the jaziya, Aurangzib was deaf to the pleadings of pity and political expediency alike. In Mughal Deccan, particularly in Burhanpur, the tax could be realised only by force. But Aurangzib was inexorable and ordered the Prefect of the City police to chastise every defaulter. This had the desired effect, and a strict collector like Mir Abdul  increased the yield of the tax from Rs. 26,000 a year for the whole city to more than four times the amount in three months for half the city only (1682).







 When a minister wished to oust his rival from favour, he had only to complain that the latter had excused some Hindus from paying the poll tax and the Emperor would plainly tell the lenient revenue minister, "You are free to grant remissions of revenue of all other kinds ; but if you remit any man's jaziya—which I have succeeded with great difficulty in laying on the infidels, it will be an impious change (bidat) and will cause the whole system of collecting the poll-tax to fall into disorder."


Again, when the enforced levy of this tax scared Hindu traders away from the Mughal territory in the Deccan and caused scarcity of grain in the camp of the Imperial army, Aurangzib vetoed his general's proposal to suspend the jaziya in that locality. His soldiers might starve, but should he jeopardize his soul by violating the Quranic precept to take jaziya from the infidels ?

This is an extract from Sir Jadunath Sarkar's book  History of Aurangzib : based on original sources Vol 3

Marathas the protectors of our Nation

With the spread of Maratha empire  a small amount of  Marathi population came out  of the present day Maharastra and settled in the region of North India  like Benaras . Rani Lakshmibai and Maharaja Gangadhar Rao Newalkar ’s ansestors were from Maharastra .
The ancestors of Gangadhar Rao hailed from Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra and Lakshmibai's father  Moropant Tambe and her mother Bhagirathi Sapre (Bhagirathi Bai) came from Maharashtra. A Marathi Scholar Sakharam Ganesh Desukar who was proficient in Bengali, provided a link between the revolutionaries of Bengal and Maharashtra. His  grandfather Sadashiva  , Ratnagiri Maharashtrian Brahmin came from Maharastra and settled in Deoghar of Santhal Pargana . He was born in Kabogram near Baidyanathdham . He published his book " Desher Katha" in 1905. The British Govt. banned the book in 1910. During anti-partition movement of and later in National movement this book caused tremendous inspiration to countrymen. He analysed in this book the effect of suppression of British Colonial Rule on the Indian trade and industry. He wrote that the King has every right of expansion till the subjects came under its rule - is the idea of British Authority. His important work is "mukti kon Pathe" (1906).


The Marathas in general had no hatred towards North Indians. Chatrapati Maharaj gave shelter to the poet  Kavi Bhushan who wrote the following praise of Shivaji :
"Kashiji ki kalaa jaati, Mathura masjid hoti | Shivaji na hote to sunnat hoti sab ki ||"
(Had not there been Shivaji, Kashi would have lost its culture, Mathura would have been turned into a mosque and all would have been circumcised.)
Bhusan presented many of his poems on the occasion of the grand coronation of Shivaji; many of these poems are still remembered in Maharashtra. One such poem is "Shivbavani", which was written about Shivaji.


 Shivaji is said to have very good relationship with Rajput King JaiSingh of Jaipur and Maharaj Chatrasal of Bundelkhand. It was he and not any Hindu King of North who wrote the famous letter to Aurangjeb in protest of ‘Jazia’ .



His wise policy was also carried forward by his successor like Shambhaji who had very cordial relations with Durgadas Rathod  of Rajputana .  After Shambhaji when the rule was passed on to Chatrapati Shahu who gave huge responsibilities to his Brahman ministers called Peshwas . When Jai Singh  II was for the last time, appointed Subahdar of Malwa (1732–1737), during which time he advocated Muhammad Shah, to compromise with the Marathas under Bajirao .  Jai Singh is also believed to have secretly informed Peshwa Bajirao that it was a good time to subdue the weakening Mughal emperor

Peshwa Bajirao too addressed Maharaj Chatrasal as ‘kaka Shaheb’  and came to his succor in a very heroic fashion . When Bajirao’s son Balajirao became the peshwa after strengthening his position in south India and after the death of Chatrapati Sahu ,who had a soft corner for Mughals .He took aggressive steps to regain hindu places of worship in North India .

Sardesai writes :
The object of the Marathas in all these undertakings was religious as well as political. They particularly intended to get the holy places of Prayag and Kashi back into Hindu possession. On 18th June 1751 a Maratha agent writes, “Malharrao has pitched his monsoon camp in the Doab. He intended to pull down the grand Masjid  built by Aurangzeb at Benares and restore the original temple - of Kashi-Vishveshwar. The Brahmans of Kashi feel extremely terrified at such a move, for they realize the Muslim strength in these places. What the holy Ganges and the Protector Vishveshwar can ordain will come true. The Brahmans are going to send a strong appeal to the Peshwa against any such attempt by his Sardars.”

The Peshwa's aim all along was not to seize the territory of others, but only to levy contributions in return for the protection he extended to them and to release the holy places from Muslim control. Muslim sentiment, however, proved too strong in this respect. The Muslim possession of the Hindu places was a matter of long standing prestige of conquest. Even Safdar Jang, otherwise so friendly to the Marathas and his son Shuja-ud-Daula, proved most unbending on this point of surrendering the holy places of the Hindus; and although they dared not give a flat refusal, knowing the strength of the Marathas, they usually bided their time by putting forth paltry excuses for not granting demand. At the present day the question has only an academic interest.
Jadunath Sarkar writes
On 25 Oct. 1754, the Emperor issued orders abolishing the taxes on Hindu pilgrims at Gaya and Kurukshetra. [DC], He transferred them to the Peshwa, who appointed his Delhi agent Damodar M. Hingane as his tax-collector there, 9 Feb-1755. [Rajwade, vi. 328.] But Benares and Allahabad were under the control of the subahdar of Oudh, who clung to his levy at these holy places.

In  Peshwa's letter to Ramaji Anant (the manager of the Sindhias),  dated 23 Feb. 1759 .Peshwa writes :

“There are two or three undertakings to be achieved in connection with Shuja-ud-daulah. Take Benares, Ajodhya and Allahabad from him. He had promised to Dada [in 1757] to cede Benares and Ajodhya, but the case of Allahabad is still under discussion. If a settlement on the last point can be easily reached, make it.”
And in a similar letter  dated  21st March 1759 to Dattaji and Jankoji Sindhia Peshwa  writes ,  :


“Formerly, when Dada was near Delhi, Mansur Ali Khan's son had voluntarily offered to cede Benares to us. If he is now made wazir [by us], he must cede both Benares and Allahabad and pay 50 lakhs”


“if the wazir refuses to leave Delhi [for Bihar ]then you should go and join Shuja, take from him Benares and Allahabad only but do not demand a money contribution “.

My Article on Shamsher Bahadur( Son of Bajirao- Mastani)

My Article on Shamsher Bahadur( Son of Bajirao- Mastani) .

Bajirao Mastani : The real story

The origin of Mastani is shrouded in obscurity. Tradition makes her the offspring of a Hindu father (Probably Maharaja Chatrasal ) and a Muhammadan mother, but highly accomplished and trained in the cultivated arts of blandishment. Tarikh-i-Muhammadshasi mentions that

" She was a Kanchani (a dancing girl) skilled in riding and handling the sword and spear. She always accompanied Bajirao in his campaigns and rode stirrup to stirrup with him."

She was adept in music and gave public performances during the annual Ganapati celebration at the Peshwa's palace. Bajirao was passionately attached to her and felt in her company  all the inspiration of his eventful life. She dressed, talked and lived in Hindu fashion and looked after Bajirao's comforts with the devotion of a wife. In 1734 she bore him a son who was named Krishnarao . Bajirao ardently desired that  Krishnarao  be invested with the sacred thread and be declared a Brahmin. But even the powerful Bajirao could not get the orthodox Pune brahmin priests to agree. With a heavy heart he had to bring up the lad as a Muslim by name Shamsher Bahadur. His name is assumed to be that of his maternal uncle (Samsher Khan).

But Bajirao's infatuation for  Mastani since 1730, impaired his reputationin orthodox society, including his nearest kith and kin. No wonder that Bajirao's infatuation for her grew with years and led him into meat-eating and wine-drinking so repugnant in a Brahman household. Bajirao had sons by his Hindu wife ( Balaji Rao Nanasaheb was born on 8th  December 1720 much before Mastani came into their life ) and naturally the favour shown to the social outcaste seriously disturbed the peace of the Peshwa's family. Popular voice attributed Bajirao's love of wine and meat to his association with Mastani. But a man of Bajirao's type leading the life of a soldier could not retain the rigid rules of his Brahman caste, as he had to mix freely with all kinds of people.

 The narrow exclusive life of a Maharashtra Brahman must naturally undergo sudden changes by marching to distant lands and coming into contact with Rajput courts where wine drinking, flesh eating and smoking were freely indulged. This supplies a clue to Bajirao's lapses. Maratha society in general doubtless underwent immense transformation during the process of their expansion. The published papers supply us with only a few glimpses of what actually happened in Bajirao's family. Possibly the contemplated thread ceremony of Raghunathrao and the marriage of Sadashivrao were the immediate occasion of the trouble in late 1730s.

 Bajirao then became a topic of public criticism and the priests were not prepared to officiate at the ceremonies if such a tainted person as he were present. While Bajirao was absent from Poona on a campaign towards the end of 1739, Mastani was suddenly seized and kept in confinement by Nanasaheb(Bajirao's son from Kashibai ) and Chimnaji Appa. This broke Bajirao's heart completely that the world became all misery for him. He could not outrage society and public opinion by returning to Poona to rescue his beloved one by force. Mahadoba Purandare,

Morshet Karanje and other well-wishers of the family visited Bajirao at Patas and counselled him as to the best course to follow. The orthodox party meant'possibly to do away with Mastani altogether as the sole cause of trouble in their opinion, and wrote to the King's secretary Chitnis, to obtain his sanction for the violent course. The King was wiser.

 On 24th January 1740 writes Govindrao, " I have privately ascertained His Highness's pleasure on the subject of Mastani. He strongly objects to the proposal of forcible separation or personal restraint. He will not tolerate any offence being given to Bajirao, who should be kept entirely pleased. The evil does not abide in that lady. It can be stopped only when he himself feels so inclined. On no account can His Highnessadvise any violence to the feelings of Bajirao." Bajirao was away fighting his last war with Nasir Jang . Mastani was kept under restraint in an out of the way place and the ceremonies of Raghunathrao's thread and Sadashivrao's marriage were performed at Poona on 4 and 7 February 1740, when Shahu specially came down from Satara to grace the occasion

with his presence.

A letter dated 7th March 1740 from Chimnaji Appa to Nanasaheb strikes the following alarming

note, which gives a faint suspicion that Bajirao was quite ill at heart. "I have had no news from the revered Rao since we parted. I did my utmost to console his distracted mind, but God, it seems, willed otherwise. I do not know what fate is in store for us. We should send her to him upon my return to Poona."

As soon as the news of Bajirao's death reached Mastani she died in the palace of Poona, whether by suicide or of shock it is difficult to say. Her dead body was removed to Pabal, a village about 20 miles east of Poona, which Bajirao had granted her in inam and where an unpretentious tomb reminds passers by of the story of her love and her tragic end.

Her son Shamsher Bahadur's  education and military training was conducted in line with other sons of the Peshwa royal family . The uproar that had taken place during Baji Rao, Mastani's period seemed to have had no detrimental effect on the young lad. In the court meetings  Shamsher Bahadur enjoyed the same status and respect as Peshwa's other sons . He was awarded the title of 'Sardar' (General) by Nana Saheb Peshwa. Bajirao had given few districts of Bundelkhand to Shamsher Bahadur as his jagir  yielding 33 lakhs , which he himself had got as present from Maharaja Chattrasal . Shamsher Bahadur made Banda his chief town of residence and loyally served his half –brother Peshwa Balajirao . During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen .

Shamsher bahadur  had a  son  in the year 1758 who was named Krishna Singh alias Ali Bahadur. The descendents of Shamsher Bahadur later assumed the title of Nawab of Banda  and  ruled this area till 1816.  In 1817 Britishers annexed their Jagirs and fixed a pension of 4 Lakhs to the owner of the state . The descendants of  Nawab of Banda lives in Bhopal and Indore.

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Repository/ml.asp?Ref=TU1JUi8yMDEyLzA3LzA2I0FyMDEyMDA=&Mode=HTML&Locale=english-skin-custom

Who was Bajirao ? (Part II)

Bajirao's dash upon Delhi

Sawai Jaisingh of Amber had sincerely conducted offensive operations against the Marathas during the years 1733-35, putting forth his own utmost effort along with that of several Mughal chiefs, such as the Wazir and the Mir Bakhshi. Jaisingh fully realized the futility of trying to stop the Maratha aggression by
force of  arms, and once more used his influence with the Emperor to bring about a reconciliation. He advocated direct negotiations with the Peshwa himself, to avoid the mischief and misunderstanding which middlemen on both sides were prone to create. If Bajirao and the Emperor could, he urged, meet face to face in a friendly conference, many vexatious and  immoderate demands would be avoided. Jaisingh discussed these views freely in the Emperor's counsels and with his permission invited Bajirao to come over for personal talks first with the Rajput princes and then with the Emperor. Bajirao himself was not very sanguine about the outcome of such spectacular visits and conferences, but agreed to the proposal out of his great regard for Jaisingh and also for a chance of winning over the Rajput princes through friendly
discourses.
Bajirao obtained Shahu's consent for such a venture, left Poona during the auspicious Divali time of 1735 and reached Udaipur in February of the following year.

The Emperor not caring to receive Bajirao in a personal visit at Delhi, sent his own agents Yadgar Khan
and Kriparam to Jaisingh with certain proposals tending to effect as advantageous a bargain as possible. Bajirao at once rejected the offer and sent his own agents Dhondo Govind and Baburao Malhar to Delhi with counter proposals on his part, the high tone of which displeased the Emperor so much,
that he declined to reply and prepared for an offensive against the Marathas. The season also advanced and as there seemed no prospect for Bajirao of a visit to the Emperor, he at once returned to the Deccan fully determined soon to compel the Emperor to grant his demands .

The Peshwa Bajirao then decided to teach the Mughal emperor a lesson of his lifetime. Bajirao personally marched towards Delhi with a large Maratha army in Dec 1736. He divided the army into two. One contingent was led by Peshwa Bajirao and the other by Pilaji Jadhav and Malharrao Holkar. The contingent of Holkar was however anhilated by a much larger army led by Sadat Khan, the Nawab of Oudh and mughal governor of Agra . Malharrao Holkar himself managed to escape and reach the other group led by Bajirao.

Thinking that the Maratha threat was over, Sadat Khan sent the good news to Delhi. And to join in the ill fated and premature celebrations of his perceived success, the other Mughal commanders also joined in, leaving Delhi virtually unguarded. That was when the contingent of Bajirrao's hardy band of Marathas, in a swift movement, completely bypassed the encamped Mughal army and reached the outskirts of Delhi (28 March 1737), covering a ten-day journey in just forty eight hours.

What followed thereafter was the total loot of the suburbs of Delhi. The Mughal emperor himself hid in the safe confines of Red Fort, while Bajirao and his men plundered the countryside in glee abandon. An eight thousand strong mughal army led by Mir Hassan Koka did try to take on Bajirao, but they were hopelessly out maneuvered and defeated, Mir Hassan himself was wounded in the battle for Delhi.

Then before the main mughal army could gather their wits, Bajirao with his entourage returned to the Deccan. On 31 March 1737, the victorious Maratha army left Delhi with their large booty leaving behind Delhi, mauled and humbled.

Nizam humbled at Bhopal

The Emperor, terrorized by Bajirao's raid of the summer of 1737, sent repeated and urgent calls to Nizam-ulmulk to repair to Delhi and stop the Maratha nuisance. When Nizam reached Delhi the Emperor and received in return unprecedented courtesy and lavish honours. The latter bestowed on him his own robe and sirpao with the title of Asaf-Jah, the highest among the Mughal nobility, and sent him choice dishes from his own kitchen every day, during the period of his stay. Nizam-ul-mulk left Delhi in October with thirty thousand select troops, a powerful park of artillery and full authority to act in expelling the Marathas from Bundelkhand and Malwa. 

Bajirao enthusiastically took up the challenge and cheered up his sovereign's drooping spirits. The die was cast. On the auspicious day of 15 October Bajirao took his. departure for the north along with his master's blessings and the best wishes of his nation, now united as never before.
In the meantime Nasir Jang, a worthy son of a worthy father, had not been idle. He raised fresh levies for use in Malwa and spent lavishly in preparations to crush the Marathas between two pincers, himself moving from the south and his father from the north. Bajirao, foreseeing the game, stationed his brother Chimnaji Appa at Varangaum on the Tapti with instructions to prevent Nasir Jang from proceeding beyond Burhanpur. Chimnaji performed this duty excellently. camp with strict attention to compactness and supervision. From the beginning of December the Maratha bands started hovering about the Mughal camp and harassing them from a distance, keeping well out of the range of their artillery. The advanced Maratha troops i'
gradually drove the Mughals towards the south into Bajirao's net, as soon as he had arrived on the tableland of Malwa.The Maratha tactics soon proved effective and the Nizani realized early enough that he could not pursue the Maratha and retaliate swiftly with his huge camp, whose necessaries of life came to be rapidly cut off. He, therefore, decided to find shelter in a well fortified place wherein he could keep his
army secure and deal piecemeal with the various Maratha bands.
He was coming towards Bajirao, and as he neared Bhopal he took shelter in that fortified town without first assuring himself of plentiful provisions and remained fully entrenched.

The siege commenced on 14th December and in less than a week's time the Mughals came to an extremity for want of food. Artillery alone served them well and kept the Marathas out of the range of their fire. Nizam-ul-mulk soon found his position intolerable and tried to move out with his whole camp under the shelter of his guns. But he could hardly travel more than (our or five miles a day. Thus nearly a fortnight
elapsed under extreme pressure, and when he learned that his longed for relief under his son had not even reached Burhanpur, he was overwhelmed with despair and in agony of heart sent for Anandrao Sumant, his friend in the Maratha camp, and through him begged Bajirao for terms of peace.
Bajirao refused to negotiate through the Sumant whom he did not trust and offered to send instead his own agents Pilaji Jadhav, Baji Bhivrao and Baburao Malhar. In the meantime Jaysinh's minister Ayamall arrived on behalf of the Nizam with Saiyad Lashkar Khan and other agents to see Bajirao and arrange terms of peacc. They urged that if Bajirao would release the Nizam from the present difficult position, without inflicting any disgrace on him, the Nizam would grant any compensation that would be demanded. After long
and vexatious conferences, Nizam-ul-mulk affixed his signature to the following terms on 7th January 1738 at Doraha Sarai about 64 miles north of Sironj

Who was Bajirao ?( Part I )

Bajirao Ballal (Balaji) Bhat also known as Thorale (Marathi for Elder) Bajirao  was the son of Balaji Vishwanath,  first Peshwa of Chhattrapati Shahu . He was born on 18th August 1700  and appointed by Shahu as Peshwa upon the  death of his father at Shahu's camp at Masur , 30 miles east of Satara on 17th April 1720 exactly a fortnight after  his father's death. Bajirao headed almost all important  campaigns of Shahau and fought over 41 battles and is reputed to have never lost one.

Battle of Palkhed

The Nizam in order to uproot the Shahu propped up a coalition of Sambhaji II of Kolhapur, Chandrasen Jadhav, Udaji Chavan and Rao Rambha Nimbalkar against Shahu. When Peshwa and his troops had gone to collect Chauth in the south (in 1727), the Nizam's forces made a surprise attack on Poona, whereby he proclaimed Sambhaji II to be his accepted Chatrapati. (Satara too came under threat and Chatrapati Shahu himself had to seek refuge in fort Purandar near Saswad).

Hearing the news of the attack, Bajirao's troops proceeded towards Pune . The Nizam was already waiting for the Peshwa with a huge army and artillery. But the Peshwa Bajirao was a step ahead of the Nizam as far as war machinations were concerned. Instead of confronting the powerful Nizam's artillery in a pitched battle, he created a detour by plundering the Nizam's territories like Jalna, Khandesh and proceeded toward Burhanpur, a rich mughal outpost in the control of the Nizam.

Bajirao thus forced the Nizam into leaving his base and giving the Peshwa a chase. However, the Nizam had to leave behind his heavy artillery in order to catch up with the Peshwa's army. This was precisely what the wily Peshwa wanted. As the Nizam's army progressed towards the Peshwa, midway at Palkhed (a hill tract near Aurangabad) the Peshwa managed to trap and surround the Nizam and harassed him with lightning fast raids on his camps.

The Nizam found himself in a precarious situation, surrounded without food and water supplies for days and his army slowly bleeding due to non stop Maratha raids. The Nizam then chose to recognize Marathas as supreme power in the Deccan and sadly agreed to sign a humiliating treaty at Mungi Shevgaon (6 March 1728), whereby the Nizam agreed to accept Shahu as the sole Maratha Chhatrapati and give up the cause of Sambhaji II forever. The Maratha rights for chauth were also recognized whereby Maratha kingdom collected 25% tax on all production in these lands and within a few decades, all parts of the sub-continent.

Malwa

In October 1728, Bajirao and his troops launched an attack on Malwa. His contingent included his brother Chimaji Appa, Tanoji Shinde, Malharrao Holkar and Udaji Pawar, all of whom later reached great heights in their respective careers as Generals and Rulers of the Maratha Empire. The Maratha forces defeated and subdued the Mughal forces and captured Malwa in many bloody battles. 

Bundelkhand and Maharaja Chatrasal

Just about the time that Nizam-ul-mulk and Bajirao were engaged in hostile operations during the early months of 1728 in the south, Muhammad Khan Bangash attacked the Bundela king with a large force commanded by himself and his three valiant sons and defeated him on several occasions. After a sanguinary action in June 1728 Chhatrasal betook himself to the fort of Jaitpur, which the Bangash at once invested.
The siege was long and arduous. In December 1728 at the moment when Chimnaji Appa invested Ujjain after his signal success at Amjhera, Chhatrasal was so hard-pressed at Jaitpur that he desperately attempted to fight his way out and came to be captured severely wounded along with the fort.
He sent urgent messages and piteous calls both to Chimnaji Appa at Ujjain and to Bajirao, to come with all speed and save his life and fortunes.

Chhatrasal sent a message to Bajirao calling for his aid.

In the message, Chhatrasal- a good poet himself writes-

"जो बीती गज-राज पर, सो गति भायी है आज, बाजी जात बुन्देल की रक्खो, बाजी लाज"

( ...We the 'Bundelas', are in the same terrible condition of the Gajraj ( King Elephant ), when his foot was caught by a crocodile, as he was drinking water in a river…  So, oh brave Baji, do come and please help us to protect our honor.. )

Responding to his call, Bajirao went to Bundelkhand and defeated Bangash in battle of Jaitpur. When Bangash retreated,  Chhatrasal happy by the deeds of Bajirao, declared him as his third son and awarded one third part of his kingdom to him.  

Gujrat

 Maratha senapati Khanderao Dabhade was officially given charge for Gujarat by Chhattrapati Shahu himself, after the former had defeated and subdued the mughal military officers in that state. After the death of Khanderao in 27 Sep 1729 his son Trimbakrao Dabhade was made senapati.

In Gujarat there was another player in the form of Hamid Khan who was a protégé of Nizam ul Mulk. When the mughal emperor despatched Sarbulund Khan in July 1724, to get control of Gujrat which was engulfed in rivalry between mughal nobility, Hamid Khan entered into an understanding with Bande to prevent the imperial interference. He gave him the right to collect chauth towards the north of river Mahi.

Bajirao then asked (through his representative Udaji Pawar) Sarbulund Khan to grant him the chauth rights of Gujarat but was spurned. Hence, Bajirao despatched his brother Chimaji Appa to Gujrat who looted the towns of Petlad and Dholka. Sarbulund Khan was unable to simultaneously tackle Bande as well as the Peshwa's armies, he was overpowered and defeated by the Marathas and was forced to sign an agreement with the Peshwa in 1730 whereby the Peshwa was given the right to collect chauth and sardeshmukhi for Gujarat region (seaport of Surat was excluded from this agreement).

All this did not sit very well with the Mughal court and they replaced Sarbulund Khan with Abhay singh, son of Ajit singh of Jodhpur. But Abhay Singh was powerless to face and or defeat the Marathas and he too reconciled with the idea that the Peshwa was the only person who could rein in the free- booters in Gujarat and compromised and struck a deal with him.

Meanwhile, the treaty between the Mughals and the Peshwa was not acceptable to the Maratha Senapati Trimbakrao Dabhade, who considered the Gujrat affairs his hereditary right . He was already had ego clashes with the Peshwa, who he was not entirely comfortable accepting as a second supreme authority after the king. Note, the Peshwa on his part was also encouraging new blood like Holkar-Shinde-Pawar and starting on war campaigns without consultations with the sarsenapati.Now this Gujarat issue only aggravated matters further.

Sarsenapati Trimbakrao Dabhade then accused Peshwa Bajirao II of breaching the contract made between the Dabhade family and Chatrapati Shahu.Finding the king not very supportive, and evasive in the matter, he decided to take on Bajirao directly. In a skirmish that followed at Dabhoi in April 1731, Trimbakrao Dabhade was killed (Pilaji Gaekwads son Sambhaji also died in that battle). Also captured were rebels like Udaji Pawar (he had fallen out with Bajirao) and Chimnaji Damodar who were fighting on Dabhade's side.

Shivaji's famous letter to Aurangzeb in Protest of 'jaziya' a religious tax

Below is the Letter which Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj wrote to Aurangzeb 

 

 

To the Emperor Alamgir –

“This firm and constant well-wisher Shivaji, after rendering thanks for the grace of God and the favours of the Emperor, - which are clearer than the Sun, -begs you to inform your Majesty that, although this well-wisher was led by his adverse Fate to come away from your august Presence without taking leave, yet he is ever ready to perform, to the fullest extent possible and proper, everything that duty as a servant and gratitude demand of him….

“It has recently come to my ears that, on the ground of the war with me having exhausted your wealth and emptied your treasury, your Majesty has ordered that money under the name of jaziya should be collected from the Hindus and imperial needs supplied with it. May it please your Majesty! That architect of the fabric of empire, [Jalal-ud-din] Akbar Padishah, reigned with full power for 52[lunar] years. He adopted the admirable policy of universal harmony (sulh-i-kul) in relation to all the various sects, such as Christians, Jews, Muslims, Dadu’s followers, sky-worshippers (falakia), malakia, heathens (ansaria), atheists (daharia), Brahmans and Jain priests. The aim of his liberal heart was to cherish and protect all the people. So, he became famous under the title of Jagat Guru, ‘the World’s spiritual guide.’

“Next, the Emperor Nur-ud-din Jahangir for 22 years spread his gracious shade on the head of the world and its dwellers, gave his heart to his friends and hi hand to his work, and gained his desires. The Emperor Shah Jahan for 32 years cast his blessed shadow on the head of the world and gathered the fruit of eternal life, - which is only a synonym for goodness and fair fame, - as the result of his happy time on earth. (Verses)

He who lives with a good name gains everlasting wealth, because after his death, the recital of his good deeds keeps his name alive.

“Through the auspicious effect of this sublime disposition, wherever he [Akbar] bent the glance of hi august wish, Victory and Success advanced to welcome him on the way. In his reign many kingdoms and forts were conquered [by him]. The state and powers of these Emperors can be easily understood from the fact that Alamgir Padishah has failed and become distracted in the attempt to merely follow their political system. They, too, had the power of levying the jaziya; but they did not give place to bigotry in their hearts, as they considered all men, high and low, created by God to be [living] examples of the diverse creeds and temperaments. Their kindness and benevolence endure on the pages of Time as their memorial, and so prayer and praise for these (three) pure souls will dwell for ever in the hearts and tongues of mankind, among great and small. Prosperity is the fruit of one’s intentions. Therefore, their wealth and good fortune continued to increase, as God’s creatures reposed in the cradle of peace and safety [under their rule], and their undertakings succeeded.

“But in your Majesty’s reign, many of the forts and provinces have gone out of your possession, and the rest will soon do so too, because there will be no slackness on my part in ruining and devastating them. Your peasants are down-trodden; the yield of every village has declined, -in the place of one lakh [of Rupees] only one thousand, and in the place of a thousand only ten are collected and that too with difficulty. When Poverty and Beggary have made their homes in the palaces of the Emperor and the Princes, the conditions of the grandees and officers can easily be imagined. It is a reign in which the army is in a ferment, the merchants complain, the Muslims cry, the Hindus are grilled, most men lack bread at night and in the day inflame their own cheeks by slapping them [in anguish]. How can the royal spirit permit you to add the hardship of jaziya to this grievous state of things? The infamy will quickly spread from west to east and become recorded in books and history that the Emperor of Hindusthan, coveting the beggars’ bowls, takes jaziya from Brahmans and Jain monks, yogis, sannyasis, bairagis, paupers, mendicants, ruined wretches, and the famine-stricken, - that his valour is shown by attacks on the wallets of beggars, - that he dashes down to the ground the name and honour of the Timurids!

“May if please your Majesty! If you believe in the true Divine Book and Word of God (i.e., the Quran), you will find there [that God is styled] Rabb-ul-alamin, the Lord of all men and not Rabb-ul-musalmin, the Lord of the Muhammadans only. Verily, Islam and Hindusim are terms of contrast. They are [diverse pilgrims] used by the true Divine Painter for blending the colours and filling the outlines [of His picture of the entire human species]. If it be a mosque, the call of the prayer is chanted in remembrance of Him. If it be a temple, the bell is rung in yearning for Him only. To show bigotry for any man’s creed and practices is equivalent to altering the words of the Holy Book. To draw new lines on a picture is equivalent to finding fault with the painter….

“In strict justice the jaziya is not at all lawful. From the political point of view it can be allowable only if a beautiful woman wearing gold ornaments can pass from one province to another without fear of molestation. [But] in these days even the cities are being plundered, what shall I say of the open country? Apart from its injustice, this imposition of the jaziya is an innovation in India and inexpedient.

“If you imagine piety to consist in oppressing the people and terrorizing the Hindus, you ought first to levy the jaziya from Rana Raj Singh, who is the head of the Hindus. Then it will not be so very difficult to collect it from me, as I am at your service. But to oppress ants and flies is far from displaying your valour and spirit.

‘I wonder at the strange fidelity of your officers that they neglect to tell you of the true state of things, but cover a blazing fire with straw! May the Sun on your royalty continue to shine above the horizon of greatness!”