Abdali's Letter to Madho singh describing the Battle of Panipat

Abdali himself wrote a letter to Raja Madho Singh of Jaipur providing him the details of the Battle " The flame of fighting blazed up and raged on all sides. The enemy too distinguished themselves and fought so well, that it was beyond the capacity of other races. Gradually the fighting passed from the exchange of cannon and rocketfire to the
discharge of muskets, from which it proceeded to the stage of combat with swords, daggers and knives. They grasped each other by the neck.
Those dauntless bloodshedders ( the Marathas) did not fall short in fighting and doing glorious deeds. Suddenly the breeze of victory began to blow and as willed by the Divine Lord the wretched Deccanis suffered utter defeat. Vishwasrao and the Bhau who had been fighting in front of my Wazir were slain and many other Sardars also on their
side fell. Ibrahim Khan Gardi and his brothers were captured wounded. Bapu Pandit (Hingne) was taken prisoner. Forty to fifty thousand troopers and infantry men of the enemy became as grass before our pitiless swords. It is not known whether Malhar and Janko have been slain or what else has happened to them. All the enemy's artillery, elephants and property have been seized by my men"

This letter was published by J.N. Sarkar in the Modern Review, May, 1946

Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao also known as Nana Saheb

Balaji Baji Rao (December 8, 1720 – June 23, 1761), also known as Nana Saheb, was a Peshwa (prime minister) of the Maratha Empire in India. After Baji Rao died in April 1740, Chhatrapati Shahu appointed 19-year old Balaji as the Peshwa in August 1740, despite opposition from other chiefs such as Shahu's own relative Raghoji I Bhonsle.The Maratha noblewoman Tarabai was the head of a family that was a rival claimant to the Chhatrapati title. Originally a rival of Chhatrapati Shahu, she later pretended reconciliation with him. In the 1740s, during the last years of Shahu's life, Tarabai brought a child to him: Rajaram II. She presented the child as her grandson, and thus, a direct descendant of Shivaji. Shahu adopted the child, and after his death in 1749, Rajaram II succeeded him as the Chhatrapati.The next year, Peshwa Balaji Rao left to fight against the Nizam of Hyderabad. In his absence, Tarabai urged Rajaram II to remove him from the post of Peshwa. When Rajaram refused, she imprisoned him in a dungeon at Satara, on 24 November 1750. She claimed that he was an impostor, and that she had falsely presented him as her grandson. Tarabai was unsuccessful in getting support from other ministers and the Nizam Salabat Jung. However, she managed to enlist the help of another noblewoman, Umabai Dabhade.Umabai was the matriarch of the Dabhade family, whose members held the title of senapati (commander-in-chief) and controlled several territories in Gujarat. Her husband had been killed by the Mughals, and her eldest son had been killed by Balaji Rao's father for a rebellion against Chhatrapati Shahu. However, Shahu had forgiven the Dabhades and allowed them to retain their jagirs and titles on the condition that they would remit half of the revenues collected from Gujarat to his treasury. Umabai's minor son Yashwant Rao was made the titular senapati, while she held the actual executive power in Maratha territories of Gujarat. The Dabhades never actually shared any revenues, but Shahu did not want to take any action against a grieving mother. However, after Shahu's death Peshwa Balaji Rao faced an empty treasury and pressurized the Dabhades to share Gujarat revenues as per the agreement. Umabai personally met him in 1750 and argued that the agreement was void because the Dabhades had signed it under force. The Peshwa refused to entertain this argument.

The Gaekwads were originally lieutenants of the Dabhade family.Pilaji, and after his death in 1732, Damaji held the actual military power as Yashwant Rao was a minor. Even as he grew up, Yashwant Rao got addicted to alcohol and opium, and Damaji gradually increased his power during this time.In May 1751, the Peshwa arrested Damaji Gaekwad and his relatives, and sent them to Pune. Sometime later, the Dabhades were also arrested, and deprived of their jagirs and titles. In March 1752, Damaji finally agreed to join Balaji Rao. In return, he was made the Maratha chief of Gujarat, and Balaji Rao offered him assistance in expelling the Mughals from Gujarat. Gaekwad promised to pay an annual tribute of ₹ 525,000 to Peshwa in addition to a one-time payment of ₹ 1,500,000. He was also asked to maintain a cavalry of 20,000 horses in service of the Peshwa.

During Baji Rao's tenure, the Mughals had nominally granted the Malwa to the Marathas, but the control was not actually passed to the Marathas. After becoming Peshwa, Balaji Rao approached the Mughal emperor through Jai Singh II, and managed to get appointed as the Deputy Governor of Malwa (with Ahmad Shah as the titular Governor). In return, he pledged faithfulness to the Mughal emperor. He also agreed to keep a force of 500 soldiers at the emperor's court, in addition to providing a force of 4,000 soldiers on a need basis.

In 1748, Javed Khan, a rival of the Mughal wazir Safdarjung invited the new Nizam of Hyderabad Nasir Jung, to join an alliance against the wazir. Safdarjung requested Maratha support against Nasir Jung. Balaji Rao dispatched Scindia and Holkar chiefs to prevent Nasir Jung from reaching Delhi, and thus, saved Safdarjung.

Starting in 1748, the Afghan king Ahmad Shah Durrani (Abdali) launched several invasions of India, forcing the Mughals to seek Maratha help. In 1752, the Rohillas of the Doab region rebelled against the Mughal emperor. They defeated Safdarjung in a battle, and invited Durrani to invade India. Once again, Safdarjung sought assistance from the Marathas, who helped him crush the rebellion. The Marathas and the Mughals signed an agreement in 1752. The Marathas agreed to help the Mughals defeat external aggressions as well as internal rebellions. The Mughals agreed to appoint Peshwa Balaji Rao as the Governor of Ajmer and Agra. The Marathas were also granted the right to collect chauth from Lahore, Multan, Sindh, and some districts of Hissar and Moradabad. However, the Mughal emperor had also ceded Lahore and Multan to Ahmad Shah Durrani in order to pacify him. In addition, he did not ratify the transfer of Rajput-ruled territories like Ajmer to the Marathas. This brought the Marathas in conflict with Durranis as well as Rajputs.

The defeat at Panipat resulted in heavy losses for the Marathas, and was a huge setback for Peshwa Balaji Rao. He received the news of the defeat Panipat on 24 January 1761 at Bhilsa, while leading a reinforcement force. Besides several important generals, he had lost his own son Vishwasrao in the Battle of Panipat. He died on 23 June 1761, and was succeeded by his younger son Madhav Rao I. Incidentally, Nanasaheb Peshwa, four months prior to his death, married a girl who was 8 or 9 years old.

Brief History of Pune

The original nucleus of Pune was located in the immediate vicinity of the confluence of the Mula and Mutha. River confluences have traditionally been considered sacred by the Hindus and to this fact, is attributed the original name of Poona: Sanskrit "Punyapur" (Cleanser), which changed into Marathi "Pune" and the British "Poona". ( Gadgil, 1952). Pune that has a long history can be traced from the copper plate inscriptions of the Rastrakuta kings in the 8th and 10th century. After the Rastrakutas, Pune came under the Yadav Kings of Daulatabad. During the period from sixth to thirteenth century, Pune served as head quarters for Hindu dynasties that controlled the West Deccan Region. Later in 1294 AD it came under Mohammedan rule with Muslim invasion of the Deccan. In the early thirteenth century it was said to be only a small village containing fifteen huts around the traditional temples. At the end of the thirteenth century the first traces of a market town called, 'Kasbe Pune' was developed by an Arab military governor (Burha Arab )whom  Allauddin Khilji had appointed .It was created by combining the villages of Kasarli and Kumbarli to its east Pune remained largely a Muslim garrison town for over three centuries .Kasba Peth was the first Peth to be established . He is also said to have built a fort along the Mutha river as his residential quarters. The fort was known as Kille Hissar .

In 1629, Siddhi Yakub and Ranjitrai were appointed in charge of the fort by Nizamshah. Kille  Hissar  fort  was  reserved  for  the  garrison  and  the  town's  Muslim  inhabitants.  Beyond  the  inner  wall,  an  outer  wall  surrounded  the   civilian   Hindu   population   consisting   of   artisans,   farmers   and   traders.   In   the   early l630s,  Pune  came  into  Shahaji's  (Shivaji's  father)  possession  ranted by the Muslim King of Ahmednagar. Soon  after,   his  enemies  attacked  it  and  Pune  was  burnt  and  razed  to  the  ground.  However,   Shahaji  made  Pune  as  seat  in  1636,  and  the  town  was  reconstructed  .   Small   suburban   settlements   emerged   outside  the   Kasba,   and   Pune   enjoyed  a  brief  period  of  peace  and  prosperity.  ( Joshi, 1971).
  The  kasba  was  surrounded  by  fringe  of  semi  rural  suburbs.  To  the  east  of  Kasba,  was  the  oldest  suburb  called  Shahapur  contained  cultivators,  gardeners,  artisans  and  petty  traders.  To  the  north  of  the  Shahapur  was  Astapur  containing outcaste  communities. The  southern  suburb  of Malkapur  was a settlement  of traders, the  eastern  riverbank  suburb  of  Murtazabad  was  predominated  by  Brahmins  and  to  the  south  east  of  Kasba  was  Mohiyabad,  added  to  it  during  the  visit  of  Moghul  Emperor  Aurangzeb to Pune about  1700 (Gadgil,  1952).

In 1708, the Moghul Emperor declared Shivaji's grandson Shahu as Maratha king at Satara.
Several districts including Pune were granted to Shahu by the Moghul Emperor as his autonomous territory. Shahu appointed a Brahmin as his Prime Minister or 'Peshwa" (a Persian title used by the Muslim kings of the Deccan; Poona Gaz, 11) to look after the administration at Pune. Later 'Peshwa" became hereditary and the second peshwas BajiRao I made Pune as his residence in 1720. In 1726, Shahu granted him the town as a part of his 'Jagir" and thereafter, Pune became the permanent official seat of the peshwas for nearly a century.

The  real  growth  of  Pune  dates  from  the  time  of  Peshwa  Bajirao  I,  when  a  systematic  expansion  of  the  town  was  under  taken.  In 1728, Bajirao Peshwa asked his sardars, Mahadjipant Purandare, Dadaji Nilkantha Prabhu, Sakharampant Bokil and Babuji Naik, to demolish the fort and construct houses for themselves.  Once  the  official  status  of  Pune  as  a  capital  city  was confirmed  by  the  Peshwas  and  his  nobles,  the  town  started  to  grow  organically  by accretion. The  growth  of  Kasba  took  place  through  the  addition  of  new  localities,  which  were  known  as  'Pur'  or  'Pura'  in the  early  stages  and  later  raised,  to  the  status  of  a  'Peth'  (i.e.  a  large  division  of  town).   Gradually  the  peths  grew  to  be  a  fairly  self-sufficient.   Often  a  peth  was  a  small  town,  centering  on  the  founder's  mansion  and  containing  one  predominant  temple,  in  addition  to  several  others. (Gadgil,  1952). The  old  suburbs  were  annexed  to the  Kasba  as its  new peths.
The  old  Muslim  names  of  the  peths  were  gradually  changed  to  the  Hindu  names  following the  days  of  the  week.  (Local  traditions  trace  the  origin  of  these  names  to  the customs  of  holding  weekly markets  in each  peth on a specific  day of the week.)


Former  Shahapur,  Astapur,  Mohiyabad,  Murtazabad  and  Malkapur  were  renamed  Somwar   (Monday),   Mangalwar    (Tuesday),   Budhwar    (Wednesday),   Shaniwar   (Saturday),  and Raviwar  or  Adiwar  (Sunday)  peths,  respectively.  A  new  peth  called  Shukrawar  (Friday)  was  eatablished  in   1734.  (Gadgil,  1952).  In  1739,  Pune  was  described  as  a prosperous,  crowded  and  well  built  town,  with  handsome  houses  and  an impressive  gun  factory.  (Poona gaz.,  HI: 405).  The Town  was further  extended  in  the  1750's  with  the  addition  of  five  new  Peths:  Guruwar  (Thursday)  or  Vetal  peth,  Ganesh  peth,  Ganj  peth,  Musafarjung  peth  and  Nihal  or  Nagesh  peth.   The  early  growth  of  Pune  was  southward,  bounded  as  it  was  by  the  river  on  the  north,  by  the  streams  Nagasari  and  Manik  nala  in  the  east  and  by  another  parallel  stream  in  the  west,  which  was  later,  diverted  and  has  disappeared  completely.  This  was  the  main  reason  for  the north-south  direction  of lines of communication  in the city.

The  physical  expansion  of  Pune,  which  had  so  far  been  largely  southward,  assumed  an  east-west  direction  in  the  late  1760's.  In  the  east,  the  space  between Nagzari  and  Manik  nala  was  being  brought  under  settlement.  Bhawani  peth  was  located  in  this  area  en  route  to  Sholapur,  in 1767.
  In  addition  to  the  Kasba and  the eleven  peths,  two  small  localities  called   Karanpura  and  the  Hashampura,  both  absorbed  into the  Sadashiv  peth  in  1769 came up. (Gadgil,  1952). Narayan  peth  was  also established  about  the  same  time  on a strip  of  land  along  the river,  to the west of
Shaniwar peth. (Poona Gaz.III: 280).
The  last  phase  in  the  extension  of  Pune,  which  transformed   it  into  a  city, began  in the  1780's  and  seems to have resulted  from  its growing  importance  and the concomitant  increase  in  trade  due  to  royal  patronage.  In  1781, Ghorpade  peth  was  founded   and  formed   the  southernmost  extension   of  the  city.    To  the  north  of  Bhavani   peth,  Raste   and   Nana  peths  were  established   during   1785  and   1790  respectively.  The  Kasba  and  its  seventeen  peths,  which  constituted  the  indigenous  city, almost  until  the end  of the 19th  century, were  in place  by  1790.

Grave of Mastani in Pabal

Located around 60 km from Pune, Mastani's 275-year-old tomb is housed in the middle of a courtyard, surrounded by a boundary wall and three doors. One end of the courtyard has an elevated platform, which was used for namaz. One of the walls has Mastani's painting, too. According to local villagers, Muslims call the place 'Mastani chi Masjid' and Hindus 'Mastani's Samadhi'.Mohammad Inamdar's family has been looking after the tomb for generations. They are said to have  accompanied Mastani to Deccan from Bundelkhand .In the middle of the courtyard is a stone tomb, where Mastani was buried over two centuries ago. Next to the tomb stands a diya kund (lamp), which Inamdar lights every day.Though initially she stayed at Mastani Mahal in Shaniwarwada, owing to the rift  in the family, Bajirao shifted her to a palace in Kothrud. Later, when conflicts failed to end, he shifted her to a palace specially made for her in Pabal. Today, there’s no sign of the said palace in the village. The money collected as tax from three villages – Pabal, Tendur and Loni – was used by Bajirao for maintenance of Mastani .

 Shamsher Ali Bahadur , son of  Bajirao I and Mastani moved to Banda and his descendants became the Nawabs of Banda , but lost their estate  when Nawab Ali Bahadur II, a descendent of Shamser, responded to a rakhi sent by Rani Laxmibai of Jhansi and fought against the British alongside her in 1858. Ali Bahadur II  was exiled to Indore after 1858. His grandson Nawab Saif Ali Bahadur had three wives and 13 sons and seven daughters . In 1947, Saif moved his large family to Sehore for financial prudence. The family home there is called Nawab Banda compound. Afaque Ali Bahadur is the eleventh son of  Saif Ali Bahadur .Afaque Ali Bahadur’s son, Umar Ali Bahadur, a 29-year-old sales professional in Bhopal, studied Sanskrit in school and can rattle off mantras with perfection.  As a devotional exercise as a child, he once filled up a book with repetitions of the Gayatri mantra in writing. He is the most enthusiastic of the young brigade about preserving family history.

While the grave was in complete ruins, the state archaeology department started restoration work after miscreants dug it up in 2009. Locals said the tomb was dug up when people tried to find a diamond that Mastani swallowed to commit suicide. Umar studied in Pune and spearheaded the restoration of  Mastani’s grave at Pabal. “When I was going to study in Pune University,” says Umar, “my uncle Jamshed told me to pay respects at our ancestor’s grave. I found that it had been vandalized.”  After completing his post-graduate diploma in marketing management, he joined a private company in Pune to pursue the restoration and beautification work of the grave. With the help of history researcher Pandurang Balkavde and office bearers of Srimant Bajirao Mastani Sanskrutik Pratishthan (SBMSP), a trust founded by villagers of the district in memory of Bajirao and Mastani, Umar carried out this project.He  along with an SBMSP delegation had presented a memorandum in this regard to district collector Vikas Desmukh and also had met Baramati MP Supriya Sule. On 18th  August 2016 , Umar Ali Bahadur with his younger brother  on birth anniversary celebration of Peshwa Bajirao I  inaugurated the grave and Bajirao Road in Pabal .“The day when the grave was restored, while the rituals were performed as per the Muslim tradition, the Hindus too joined in with garlands to place it on the grave,” says Baba Inamdar, nephew of the caretaker, who is also the vice-president of All India Muslim and OBC Organisation.

Irrespective of their beliefs, people from both the community visit Mastani’s grave with equal devotion. “Because Mastani was Maharaja Chhatrasal’s daughter, the Hindus of Pabal consider her as a Hindu. The Muslims think she was a Muslim as her mother, Ruhaani Bai, was a Persian-Muslim. Despite their respective faiths, there’s never been a dispute in the village on this matter,” says Sanjay Ghodekar, the principal of a Padmani Jain Mahavidyalaya in Pabal, who has done M.Phil on Mastani as a subject in 1997 based on his six-year long extensive research.

A few decades ago, a sword was found in the village. Assuming that it may have once belonged to Mastani’s security guards, it was kept safely in the office of gram panchayat .The village remembers the beautiful queen in many other ways. Padmani Jain Mahavidyalaya takes out an annual magazine as a tribute to Mastani. Besides, the college also organises a state-level debate completion named Bajirao Mastani Debate Competition which sees participation of students from across the state.

zamburak

A zamburak (Persian: زمبورک‎) was a specialized form of self-propelled artillery from the early modern period. The operator of a zamburak is known as a zamburakchi. The weapon was used by the Gunpowder Empires, especially the Iranian empires of the Safavid dynasty and Afsharid dynasty, due to the ruggedness of the Iranian Plateau, which made typical transportation of heavy cannons problematic. A zamburak consisted of a soldier on a camel with a mounted swivel gun (a small falconet), which was hinged on a metal fork-rest protruding from the saddle of the animal. In order to fire the cannon, the camel would be put on its knees. The name may be derived from Arabic zanbūr "hornet", possibly in reference to the sound earlier camel-mounted crossbows made. The mobility of the camel combined with the flexibility and heavy firepower of the swivel gun made for an intimidating military unit, although the accuracy and range of the cannon was rather low. The light cannon was also not particularly useful against heavy fortifications.They were usually never fired while the camel was standing or in motion; doing so would minimize accuracy and could injure the camel.  Rather the camel would kneel when firing.  Due to their small cannon size they were limited in range, accuracy, and destructiveness, however mounted to a mobile platform, they were excellent skirmishing weapons. 

The zamburak became a deadly weapon in the eighteenth century. The Pashtuns used it to deadly effect in the Battle of Gulnabad, routing a numerically superior imperial Safavid army. The zamburak was also used successfully in Nader's Campaigns, when the Shah and military genius Nader Shah utilized a zamburak corps in conjunction with a regular artillery corps of conventional cannon to devastating effect in numerous battles such as at the Battle of Damghan (1729), the Battle of Yeghevārd, and the Battle of Karnal.

In Third Battle of Panipat Sadashiv Rao Bhau had the best artillery in the country ( 200 heavy guns ) along with the English, and had French-trained gunners and musketeers who could fight in European fashion. On the other hand, the Afghans under Ahmed Shah Abdali didn’t have an impressive field artillery; but they had a brutally effective mobile artillery mounted on camels. The zamburak cannon were deployed in large numbers to fire at the enemy and change position, thereby harassing him more . the Afghans deployed 3,000 camels equipped with jamburaks. On Abdali’s side, the center was commanded by Shah Wali Khan, his Wazir, with the royal cavalry. With him were 2000 Zamburaks, which were small cannons placed on camels, and were light and more mobile than the static maratha cannons.

Muhammad Jafar Shamlu, a camp follower of Shah Pasand Khan said Vishwas Rao was hit by a jamburak (swivel gun) shot on the head and died

Kailash Mehendale : A desendent of Balwantrao Mehendale

Kailash Mehendale a man in his fifties living in Pune is the 10th generation descendant of Balwantrao Mehendale . I met him on my personal visit to Pune . Kailashji took me to his ancestral house (Wada) at Appa Balwant Chowk . Appa Balwant Chowk (also known as A.B.C.) is a popular crossroads in the Shaniwar Peth neighborhood of Pune, India that is particularly noted for the concentration of bookshops in the area.On August 9, 1942, two people were shot and killed by police at A.B.C. after a teenager raised the Indian flag in defiance of the British rule. That triggered anti-colonialist violence including a theatre bombing the 75th anniversary of which was marked in January 2018.

Mehendale family lost a major portion of his house in the name of road widening . Earlier his house used be till half of the present road and there was an underground tunnel from Shaniwarwada to his Wada in Peshwa's times . While doing the construction activities in his ancestral house many swords , muskets and armors were found .

Balwantrao's rusted armor was about seven feet long . He also said that the Barah bhai meeting took place in his wada only .

 Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, popularly known as Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal or just ‘Mandal’, is an Indian institute providing resources and training for historical researchers.The institute was founded in 1910 by the veteran Indian historian Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade and Sardar K. C. Mehendale. The Mandal was founded on 7 July 1910 by the veteran Indian historian Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade and Sardar Khanderao Chintaman Mehendale at Sardar Mehendale’s palace at Appa Balwant Chowk in Pune.To commence the activity Rajwade read an essay in the presence of the only listener Sardar Mehendale. Later on, the Mandal moved to its present building located in Sadashiv Peth area in the heart of the city.

 

When Peshwa Madhavrao was returning from Parvati Hills to Shaniwarwada seated on  an elephant . Peshwa fell asleep and was about to fall from his ambari  on the way just then Appa Balwant son of Balwantrao saw this and pulled him by his armor and thus saved his life . Peshwa in reward of this act named that chowk as Appa Balwant Chowk.

Kailashji then took me to Shaniwarwada  . The Shaniwar Wada was originally the seven-storied capital building of the Peshwas of the Maratha Empire.Shaniwarwada was completed in 1732, at a total cost of Rs. 16,110, a very large sum at the time. When attacked by the British Artillery 90 years later, all the top six stories collapsed leaving only the stone base . Balaji Pant Natu who belonged to the Chitpavan Brahmin community of Maharashtra coming from the powerful Natu family in Pune got the doors of Shaniwar Wada opened in absense of Peshwa .When the British forces entered Shanivar Wada on November 17, 1817, Natu unfurled the Union Jack over the building.On February 27, 1828, a great fire started inside the palace complex. The conflagration raged for seven days. Only the heavy granite ramparts, strong teak gateways and deep foundations and ruins of the buildings within the fort survived.

Shaniwarwada has five gates:

    Dilli Darwaza

    The Dilli Darwaza is the main gate of the complex, and faces north towards Delhi. Chhatrapati Shahu is said to have considered the north-facing fort a sign of Baji Rao's ambitions against the Mughal empire, and suggested that the main gate should be made chhaatiiche, maatiche naahi! (Marathi for of the chests of brave soldiers, not made of mud).

    The strongly built Dilli Darwaza gatehouse has massive doors, large enough to admit elephants outfitted with howdahs (seating canopies). To discourage elephants charging the gates, each pane of the gate has seventy-two sharp twelve-inch steel spikes arranged in a nine by eight grid, at approximately the height of the forehead of a battle-elephant. Each pane was also fortified with steel cross members, and borders were bolted with steel bolts having sharpened cone heads. The bastions flanking the gatehouse has arrow-loops and machicolation chutes through which boiling oil could be poured onto offending raiders. The right pane has a small man-sized door for usual entries and exits, too small to allow an army to enter rapidly. Shaniwar Wada was built by contractor from Rajasthan known as 'Kumawat Kshatriya' belongs to Kumhar Sub-caste, after completing construction they were given the name 'Naik' by the Peshwa.

    Even if the main gates were to be forced open, a charging army would need to turn sharply right, then sharply left, to pass through the gateway and into the central complex. This would provide a defending army with another chance to attack the incoming army, and to launch a counterattack to recapture the gateway.

    As the ceremonial gate of the fort, military campaigns would set out from and be received back here, with appropriate religious ceremonies.

    Mastani Darwaja (Mastani's Gate) or Aliibahadur Darwaja, facing north

    This gate was used by Bajirao I's wife Mastani while travelling out of the palace's perimeter wall.

    Khidki Darwaja (Window Gate), facing east

    The Khidki Darwaja is named for an armoured window it contains.

    Ganesh Darwaja (Ganesh Gate), facing south-east

    Named for the Ganesh Rang Mahal, which used to stand near this door. It could be used by ladies at the fort to visit the nearby Kasba Ganapati temple.

    Jambhul Darwaja or Narayan Darwaja (Narayan's Gate), facing south

    This gate was used by concubines to enter and leave the fort. It obtained its second name after Narayanrao Peshwa's corpse was removed from the fort for cremation through this gate.

I find it hard that a person with such a glorious history is living such a simple life in Pune.

Shivaji’s Letter to Jai Singh

Shivaji’s Letter to Jai Singh

Shivaji’s letter to Jaisingh.
1.    O Sardar of Sardars, King of Kings, Manager of the mango-trees of the garden of Bharat.

2.    0 piece of the heart and consciousness of Ramchandra, the Rajputs hold up their heads owing to thee.

3.    The grandeur of the Empire of Babar’s dynasty is rendered all the more powerful owing to thee and it is its good fortune to receive thy help.

4.    0 Jay Shah, whose fortune is ever young and whose intellect ever old, be pleased to accept the salutations and blessings of Shiva.

5.    May the Creator of the world protect thee. May He show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.

8. I have heard that thou hast come to make battle upon me and to subjugate the Deccan.

7.    Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow with blood drawn from the hearts and the eyes of the Hindus.

8.    But thou knowest not that thy face is painted in black, because owing to it, this country and religion are in danger.

9. If thou oonsiderest for a moment or givest thought to thy hands and thy strength,

10.    Then thou wilst discover whose blood lends the glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world and the next.

11.    Further, if thou hadst come of thy own accord to conquer the Deccan, my eyes and my head could have been laid on earth for thee to tread upon.

12.    I would have marched with my whole force at the stirrup of thy horse and would have yielded up to thee the country from one end to the other.

13.    But thou hast in fact come to conquer at the instance of Aurangzeb and under the instigation of those who desire to destroy the Hindus.

14.    I do not know how I shall deal with thee. If I join thee, there is no manliness in it.

15.    For, brave men are not time servers. The lion pursues not the policy of the fox.

10. Or, if I lift up the sword and the axe, then the Hindus on both sides will suffer.

17.    The greater sorrow is that my sword, which thirsts’for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn from the scabbard for some other purpose.

18.    E the Turks had come to fight this battle, then indeed the prey would have come to the lion in its lair,

19.    For, they are Rakshasas in the guise of men devoid of justice ang religion, and sinful

20.    When supremacy could not be secured hy Afzul Khan, and Shaista Khan proved no better,.

21.    Thou art engaged to fight me because he (Aurangzeb) himself is not fit to bear battle with me.

22.    He desires that no strong persons should be left surviving among the Hindus in this world,

23.    That lions may fight among themselves and disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest.

24.    How is it that his secret policy is not transparent to thy brain? It is clear that thou art under the influence of his magic spell.

25.    Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world; thou hast reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden of life.

23. Is it not meet that thou shouldst fight us-people and bring the heads of Hindus to death?

27.    After having attained ripe wisdom in action, do not then exhibit (the folly of) youth, but remember the saying of Saadi:

28.    “The horse cannot be ridden on all the roads; sometimes discretion is the better part of valour”. (Lit. sometimes it is more fitting to throw down the shield and fly).

29.    Tigers attack the deer and other animals They do not indulge in a fratricidal war with lions.

30.    Or, if thy cutting sword has true water, if thy prancing horse has true spirit,

31.    Then do thou attack those who are the enemies of religion and abolish Islam root and branch.

32.    Had Dara Shekoh been King of the country, he would have treated his people with kindness and favours.

33.    But thou deceivedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not first consider the high and the low in thy heart.

34.    Thou art not satisfied with having played the fox and hast come to fight the battle with the lions.

35.    What dost thou get from this running about and labouring under the Sun? Thy desires head thee to a mirage.

30. Thou art even as a mean creature who exerts his utmost and captures a beautiful damsel,

37.    But, instead of tasting the fruit of that garden of beauty himself, delivers it into the hands of his rival.

38.    How canst thou feel proud at the mercy of that mean man ? Dost thou know how the services of Joharsing were rewarded ?

39.    Dost thou know by what means he desired to bring calamities to Prince Chhatra Sal ?

40.    Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man has left inflicted on other Hindus also ?

41.    I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family.

42.    But what is the value of this net in which thou art caught for the sake of the Rakshasa? This bond that binds thee is not stronger than the cord of the paijama that you wear.

48. In order to attain his ends, be hesitates not to shed the blood of his brother, or to take the life of his father.

44.    Or, if thou appealest to loyalty, remember thou also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahan.

45.    L’ fate has endowed thee with any intellect or if thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood or manliness,

46.    Then dot hou heat thy sword at the fire of distress of th.9 land thou wast born in, and wipe off the tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.

47.    Tbis is not the time for fighting between ourselves since a grave danger faces the Hindus.

48.    O1 ir children, our country, our wealth, our God, our temples and our holy worshippers,

49.    Are all in danger of existence owing to his mact inations and the utmost limit of suffering, that can be borne, has been reached.

50. If the work goes on like this for some time, there will not remain a vestige of ourselves on the earth.

51. It is a matter of supreme wonder that a handful of Mussalmans should establish supremacy over this vast country.

52- This supremacy is not due to any valour on their part. See, if thou hast eyes to see.

53.    See, what policy of duplicity he plays with us, how differently he colours his face from time-to time.

54.    He claps our own chains to our feet; h& cuts our heads with our own swords.

55.    The most strenuous efforts should be made at this time to protect Hindus, Hindusthan find the Hindu Religion.

56.    I desire to make an effort and bring about stability and strive my utmost for the sake of the country.

57.    Polish thy sword and thy intellect and prove thyself a Turk to the Turks.

58.    If thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,

59.    And if thou bringest about’ unity with the Raj Rana (of Mewar), then indeed there is hope for great things.

60.    Do you all rush and fight from all sides; tramp down that serpent under the rock;

61.    So that he may for some time l occupy himself with ruminating on the consequences of bis own actions; and may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;

82. And I may in the meantime with the aid of these and other lanoe bearing heroes make away with the other two Sultans (of Bijapur and Golkonda);

03. So that I may rain the shower of swords from the thundering clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;

64. So that, from one end of the Deccan to the other, I may wipe out the name and very vestige of Mahomedanism;

65/66. Thereafter, with the assistance of wise statesmen and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it emerges from the mountains of the Deccan, I may come out into the plains;

67.    And forthwith present myself for service with you, and then after that hear you render your accounts.

68.    And then we – four – may again inaugurate a grim war and devote the battlefield to it;

69.    And then the tide of our armies may be made to reach the crumbling walls of Delhi,

70.    So that nothing may be left of the Aurang (throne) or the Zeb (lust), so that nothing may remain of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy of duplicity or dissimulation;

71.    So that we may flow a river full of pure blood, and with that we may satisfy the souls of our ancestors; and

72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of life, we shall entomb him (Aurangzeb) in the bowels of the earth.

78. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain, they can dispel and scatter the whole armies.

74.    This is not a very difficult task, we only want good hearts, good eyes, and good hands. These are the really necessary things.

75.    I have much to tell thee in regard to this matter which cannot in sooth be put on paper.

78. I am desirous of having a talk with thee so that no unnecessary pain or labour may be involved.

77.    If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and hear what thou hast to say.

78.    Thy maiden of speech may open her mouth in privacy, and I may take guard against the words being divulged;

79.    So that we put our hands to the plough of effort and practise some incantation on that mad Bakshasa.

80.    I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall thee in this.

81.    Or, we may find out some other way to attain our object and make our names in this world and the next.

82.    Be not suspicious owing to the incident of Afzul Khan—the report spoke not truly.

83.    He had secretly kept twelve hundred warlike Habsee cavalry to accomplish my death.

84.    Had I not raised my arm against him first, who would have written this letter to you ?

85.    But I do not believe any such thing of you; there is no inherent enmity between us.

88. Or, if I receive the desired reply from thee, I shall present myself before thee alone at night,

87.    And I will show thee the secret letters which I cleverly extracted from Shaista Khan,

88.    So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind and rouse thee from thy sweet sleep;

89.    I may show thee the true result of thy dreams and then receive any answer;

90.    Or, if this letter does not appeal to thee, then indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy army.

91.    To-morrow, the moment the sun shall conceal his face behind the evening cloud, the orescent moon of my sword shall flash forth. That is all. God be with thee.

Reproduced from the Shivaji Souvenir 3-5-1927. pages 172 to 178, by  G. S. Sardesai the reputed author of the Riyasats and Editor of the Shivaji Souvenir.